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(THE CONVERSATION) — In its nearly 80-year history, the state of Israel has carried out only one court-sanctioned execution: Adolf Eichmann, a principal architect of the Nazi holocaust.

Arie Perliger, UMass Lowell

(THE CONVERSATION) — In its nearly 80-year history, the state of Israel has carried out only one court-sanctioned execution: Adolf Eichmann, a principal architect of the Nazi holocaust.

But under a law passed by the Israeli parliament on March 30, 2026, that restraint has been thrown out the window.

Death by hanging will now become the default sentence for some offenses – but only in effect when the crime is carried out by Palestinians.

The law establishes two distinct judicial tracks. For the first, civilian courts in Israel may sentence defendants to death when convicted of killing with intent to “negate the existence of the State of Israel.” Meanwhile, military courts in the occupied West Bank must impose death for killings classified as terrorism, with life sentences permitted only in unspecified “exceptional cases.”

The bill, which also indicated that executions under the military track must be carried out within 90 days, passed by a vote of 62-48, with all major parties in the ruling governing coalition voting in favor.

The move further entrenches a two-tiered legal system in which Palestinians in the West Bank are tried exclusively in military courts – tribunals with an approximately 96% conviction rate, based largely on confessions often extracted under coercive conditions.

As someone who has been studying political violence and extremism in Israel for more than 20 years, I believe that treating this law as merely another chapter in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict would miss its deeper significance. Rather, the passing of the death penalty bill is best understood as part of the consolidation of ethno-nationalist ideology in governance, the continued erosion of institutional constraints on state power and the legal codification of retributive policies directed overwhelmingly at Palestinians.

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The long arc of institutional capture

Proponents of the law focus on its purported deterrence effect and its potential use to prevent unpopular exchanges of convicted Palestinian terrorists for Israeli hostages. One such exchange – the 2011 Gilad Shalit deal, in which over 1,000 Palestinian prisoners were released in exchange for a single Israeli soldier – included the release of Hamas’ Yahya Sinwar, who later masterminded the attack of Oct. 7, 2023.

However, some senior Israeli security officials, including representatives from the Israel Defense Forces and the intelligence service Shin Bet, dispute these claims, arguing that there is no evidence capital punishment deters terrorism.

Potential efficacy aside, the death penalty law did not emerge from a vacuum. It is the product of a political trajectory that has unfolded over decades and has seen the once-fringe settler movement evolve into a dominant force shaping Israeli governance.

When Likud, the right-wing party of current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, first came to power in 1977, settlements in the occupied West Bank gained legal status in Israeli law. Since then, settlements have expanded rapidly, despite remaining illegal under international law.

Settlers now represent roughly 6% of Israelis, but their political influence is far greater than their demographic weight. Settlers and settler-aligned public figures have reshaped the institutional landscape by making strategic inroads into military leadership, government ministries and party primaries.

The ruling coalition includes ministers with explicit pro-settler and ethno-nationalist ideologies – most notably Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich and National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir.

Their ideology promotes Jewish supremacy over the entirety of historic Palestine, including the West Bank, and regards territorial compromise with Palestinians as both a political and theological impossibility.

The inclusion of people so closely aligned with the settler movement in Netanyahu’s coalition signaled that anti-Palestinian violence would, in effect, be treated as legitimate expressions of state policy. Indeed, in the past two years, settler violence in the West Bank rose to unprecedented levels.

Smotrich moved to transfer control of the Civil Administration – the military bureaucracy that has governed Palestinian civilian affairs in the West Bank since 1967 – from military to finance ministry oversight, reducing institutional checks on settlement expansion. Meanwhile Ben-Gvir issued over 100,000 new gun licenses, granted settlers preferential access to firearms and began transforming the police force toward aggressive, Palestinian-focused enforcement.

Through such moves, the line between state security apparatus and settler militancy has become virtually indistinguishable.

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The politics of retribution

This is the context within which the death penalty legislation operates. Capital punishment has always been part of the penal code, but with the exception of Eichmann in 1962, it has never been used. This was by choice: Israel for much of its existence wanted to project an image of a democratic modern nation based on the rule of law.

This pivot from deterrence to retribution reflects the religious-nationalist worldview that I believe now dominates Israeli governance. It is rooted in a particular strain of religious Zionism, embraced by roughly 20% of Israeli Jews, that interprets the establishment of the state of Israel and its subsequent military victories as a process of divine redemption.

Under this ideology, the West Bank is not occupied territory but the biblical heartland of Judea and Samaria – land to which Jews hold an irrevocable, God-given claim.

Adherents believe that accelerating this redemptive process requires total military dominance and the systematic negation of Palestinian national aspirations.

This theology leaves little room for the restraint that characterized earlier security doctrines. Rather, Palestinians are existential obstacles to be vanquished.

In this light, the death penalty becomes not merely a tool of criminal justice but a declaration of supremacy – an instrument through which the state enacts its divine mandate.

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Democratic backsliding

Perhaps the most consequential dimension of the legislation is what it makes explicit.

The existence of parallel legal systems for Israelis and Palestinians in the occupied territories is not new. It has been a structural feature of the Israeli control of the West Bank since 1967.

But the death penalty law formalizes this duality with unprecedented starkness.

This formalization matters because it strips away the ambiguity that has long allowed Israeli officials to claim that all persons under their jurisdiction enjoy equal protection of the law.

Scholars of comparative authoritarianism have long identified the selective application of harsh criminal penalties as a hallmark of illiberal governance. The Israeli case offers a particularly instructive example because it unfolds within a nation that continues to maintain democratic institutions for its own citizens while operating an increasingly coercive regime over a subject population.

The death penalty law deepens this contradiction, pushing Israel further along a trajectory that some analysts have described as democratic backsliding. What is clear is that the legislation represents more than a policy choice about capital punishment.

(THE CONVERSATION) — After President Donald Trump fired Attorney General Pam Bondi on April 2, 2026, news reports suggested that she fell from grace, not for being too independent, but for not being effective enough at defending him and prosecuting his political enemies.

Austin Sarat, Amherst College

(THE CONVERSATION) — After President Donald Trump fired Attorney General Pam Bondi on April 2, 2026, news reports suggested that she fell from grace, not for being too independent, but for not being effective enough at defending him and prosecuting his political enemies.

As The New York Times reported the previous day, Trump was disappointed with “Ms. Bondi’s handling of the Jeffrey Epstein files, which has become a political liability for Mr. Trump among his supporters. He has also complained about her shortcomings as a communicator and vented about what he sees as the Department of Justice’s lack of aggressiveness in going after his foes.”

The president has long indicated that whoever served as attorney general in his administration should see themselves as his lawyer rather than as someone representing the U.S. government.

During his first presidential term, Trump was gravely disappointed with Jeff Sessions, his first attorney general, who recused himself from the investigation into alleged political interference in the 2016 election. He replaced Sessions with William Barr, who abandoned Trump when the president did not accept the results of the 2020 election.

Having learned from those mistakes, Trump set out to find a political ally and loyalist to take the helm at the Justice Department in his second administration.

As a scholar of law and politics, and someone who has written about the role of the attorney general, I think Trump’s desire has a familiar ring to it. It is not unusual for presidents to put people who share their views and policy preferences into the role. But Trump has gone far beyond what is usually done.

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Bondi’s ascent

Florida Congressman Matt Gaetz was Trump’s first choice for attorney general during the president’s second term. Many commentators viewed Gaetz as a firebrand who was temperamentally unsuited for that position. Some criticized him for calling the president an “inspirational leader of a loving and patriotic movement” in the aftermath of the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the Capitol. In the face of growing opposition generated in part by allegations of his misconduct, Gaetz withdrew.

Trump turned to Bondi a few hours later. She had served as Florida’s attorney general and drawn praise from across the political spectrum for her professionalism.

A bipartisan group of former state attorneys general wrote a letter attesting to their “firsthand knowledge of her fitness for the office” and her “wealth of prosecutorial experience and commitment to public service.”

In addition, as PBS noted at the time of her appointment, Bondi was “a longtime Trump ally and was one of his lawyers during his first impeachment trial, when he was accused — but not convicted — of abusing his power as he tried to condition U.S. military assistance to Ukraine on that country investigating then-former Vice President Joe Biden.”

She also showed her loyalty by attending Trump’s New York trial for paying hush money to porn actor Stormy Daniels, with whom he allegedly had an affair.
At the time of her nomination, Bondi seemed to have the attributes of an attorney general. She had the credentials to take on the job of running the DOJ and the confidence of the president who appointed her.

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From confirmation to downfall

During her confirmation hearings, Bondi promised to safeguard the Justice Department’s independence and bolster its transparency. She also vowed to not serve as the president’s personal attorney.

And in response to a question from Rhode Island Senator Sheldon Whitehouse, she pledged in January 2025 that “there will never be an enemies list within the Department of Justice.”

But she also showed her willingness to joust with Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee. She hewed to the MAGA script by refusing to say that the president had lost the 2020 election. And she mounted a spirited attack on the Biden Justice Department, which she claimed had been “weaponized for years and years and years.”

Once in office, Bondi took on the difficult task of leading the Justice Department while also pleasing the president. She stood by when Trump used an appearance at the department to give, according to The New York Times, a “grievance-filled attack on the very people who have worked in the building and others like them.” The Times added: “He appeared to offer his own vision of justice in America, one defined by personal vengeance rather than by institutional principles.”

Bondi apparently did not do enough to deliver on that version of justice.

Last year, Trump had to urge Bondi to take action against his political enemies, including former FBI Director James Comey, California Senator Adam Schiff and New York Attorney General Leticia James.

“They’re all guilty as hell,” Trump posted on his social media platform, Truth Social, “but nothing is going to be done. “We can’t delay any longer, it’s killing our reputation and credibility,” he added. “They impeached me twice, and indicted me (5 times!), OVER NOTHING. JUSTICE MUST BE SERVED, NOW!!!”

Bondi took her marching orders and launched investigations of those the president named. However, she was not able to secure any convictions. NBC News quoted a former official in the Trump White House who said that failing to secure indictments “is a problem for job security with the president.”

If that wasn’t enough, Trump was also reportedly frustrated with the way Bondi had handled the release of the Epstein files, first promising full disclosure and then botching the rollout of the files.

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Contending visions of the attorney general’s job

Bondi’s tenure illustrates the conflicting visions of what an attorney general should do that animate today’s American politics.

The questions Democrats asked her during her confirmation were designed to get her to commit to their view of what the attorney general should do. Those questions signaled their belief that anyone occupying that office should maintain their distance from the president and uphold the Justice Department’s independence.

But right from the start of the republic, presidents have chosen close political allies to serve as attorney general.

It’s common for presidents to appoint their friends and supporters to be attorneys general. Since Franklin D. Roosevelt, many presidents have chosen their campaign manager or their party’s national chairperson to be attorney general of the United States.

But even compared with this history, Trump and his allies have a radically different vision, seeing the attorney general as just another Cabinet member whose responsibility is to carry out the president’s policies and implement his directions. As Trump put it in a 2017 interview with The New York Times, he has the “absolute right to do what I want to do with the Justice Department.”

In the end, it seems that Bondi was fired for her failure to be effective in the political role assigned to her. It is likely that the president will want to replace her with someone even more political than she was, who promises to deliver more of the results he wants.

(THE CONVERSATION) — Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s conservative evangelical religious beliefs drew attention even before his confirmation hearings in January 2025. He is a member of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches – CREC – whose beliefs have been influenced by a 20th-century movement called Christian Reconstructionism.

Samuel Perry, Baylor University

(THE CONVERSATION) — Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth’s conservative evangelical religious beliefs drew attention even before his confirmation hearings in January 2025. He is a member of the Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches – CREC – whose beliefs have been influenced by a 20th-century movement called Christian Reconstructionism.

Many CREC leaders call for the implementation of biblical law and a theocratic state structured on Christian patriarchy. Theocratic states are ruled according to religious laws, which in the case of the CREC means a conservative evangelical understanding of Christianity.

The CREC website claims to have over 160 churches and parishes spread across North America, Europe, Asia and South America.

Hegseth’s use of religious language and prayers has raised questions about his religious beliefs in relation to his role as secretary of defense. At a prayer service on March 25, 2026, during the current war in Iran, Hegseth said, “Let every round find its mark against the enemies of righteousness and our great nation.” He went on to add: “Give them wisdom in every decision, endurance for the trial ahead, unbreakable unity, and overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy.”

As a scholar of the Christian right, I have studied the CREC. To understand Hegseth’s rhetoric, it is helpful to understand what the CREC is and its controversial leadership.

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What is the CREC?

The CREC church is a network of churches across the globe. It is associated with the congregation of Doug Wilson, the pastor who founded Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho. 
Christ Church is the flagship church of the CREC and operates as a denominational headquarters. Wilson grew up in the town, where his father was an evangelical minister.

Wilson co-founded the CREC in 1993 and is the public figure most associated with the network of churches. Christ Church operates as the hub for Logos Schools, Canon Press and New Saint Andrews College, all located in Moscow.

Logos is a set of private schools and homeschooling curriculum; Canon Press is a publishing house and media company; and New Saint Andrews College is a university. All of these were founded by Wilson and associated with Christ Church. All espouse the view that Christians are at odds with – or at war with – secular society.

While he is not Hegseth’s pastor, Wilson is the most influential voice in the CREC, and the two men have spoken approvingly of one another.

Hegseth invited Wilson to give a prayer service at the Pentagon in February 2026. Wilson told the assembled military members, “If you bear the name of Jesus Christ, there is no armor greater than that. Not only so, but all the devil’s R&D teams have not come up with armor-piercing anything.” In other words, Wilson tied the success and safety of military members and their missions to a belief in Jesus Christ and the military’s enemies as agents of the devil.

As Wilson steadily grew Christ Church in Moscow, Idaho, he and its members sought to spread their message by making Moscow a conservative town and establishing churches beyond it. Of his hometown, Wilson plainly states, “Our desire is to make Moscow a Christian town.”

The CREC doctrine is opposed to religious pluralism or political points of view that diverge from its theology. On its website, the CREC says it is “committed to maintaining its Reformed faith, avoiding the pitfalls of cultural relevance and political compromise that destroys our doctrinal integrity.”

CREC churches adhere to a highly patriarchal and conservative interpretation of Scripture. Wilson has said that in a sexual relationship, “A woman receives, surrenders, accepts.”

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Church-state separation

In a broader political sense, CREC theology includes the belief that the establishment clause of the Constitution does not require a separation of church and state. The most common reading of the establishment clause is that freedom of religion prohibits the installation of a state religion or religious tests to hold state office.

According to scholar of religion Julie Ingersoll, in this religious community there is “no distinction between religious issues and political ones.”

The CREC broadly asserts that the government and anyone serving in it should be Christian. For Wilson, this means Christians and only Christians are qualified to hold political office in the United States.

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‘Church planting’

Scholar of religion Matthew Taylor explained in an interview with the Nashville Tennessean, “They believe the church is supposed to be militant in the world, is supposed to be reforming the world, and in some ways conquering the world.”

While the CREC may not have the name recognition of some large evangelical denominations or the visibility of some megachurches, it boasts churches across the United States and internationally.

Like some other evangelical denominations, the CREC uses “church planting” to grow its network. Planted churches do not require a centralized governing body to ordain their founding. Instead, those interested in starting a CREC congregation contact the CREC. The CREC then provides materials and literature for people to use in their church.

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CREC controversies

As the church network has grown, it has drawn attention and scrutiny. In 1996, Wilson published a book positively depicting slavery and claiming slavery cultivated “affection among the races.”

Accusations of sexual abuse and the church’s handling of it have also brought national news coverage. Vice media’s Sarah Stankorb interviewed many women who talked about a culture, especially in marriage, where sexual abuse and assault was common. That reporting led to a podcast that details the accounts of survivors. In interviews, Wilson has denied any wrongdoing and said that claims of sexual abuse would be directed to the proper authorities.

Hegseth’s actions in May and June of 2025 as secretary of defense concerning gender identity and banning trans people from serving in the military, in addition to stripping gay activist and politician Harvey Milk’s name from a Navy ship, brought more attention to the CREC.

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Hegseth’s religious rhetoric

As the Trump administration engages in military conflicts around the globe, Hegseth often uses religious language to justify them.

In a March 5, 2026, speech to South American and Central American leaders, Hegseth justified intervention in Venezuela, the blockade of Cuba and the attacks on boats across the region by invoking a shared Christian identity.

Hegseth said, “We share the same interests, and, because of this, we face an essential test – whether our nations will be and remain Western nations with distinct characteristics, Christian nations under God, proud of our shared heritage with strong borders and prosperous people, ruled not by violence and chaos but by law, order, and common sense.”

Hegseth’s comments about Iran since bombing began on Feb. 28 have also invoked religion. Some of these invocations align with Hegseth’s recurring references to the Crusades in the Middle Ages – a centuries-long holy war between Christians and Muslims. Hegseth has a tattoo that says “Deus Vult” – “God wills it” – the rallying cry of Crusaders, another with the Arabic word for infidel, and the Jerusalem cross, a prominent Christian nationalist symbol. He also published a book titled “American Crusade.”

In framing the use of overwhelming force in Iran, Hegseth said, “We’re fighting religious fanatics who seek a nuclear capability in order for some religious Armageddon.”

As long as Hegseth remains the secretary of defense, his affiliation with the CREC and religious language will likely provide insight into how these conflicts are managed at home and abroad.

Ihsan Gurdal, the owner of Formaggio Kitchen in Cambridge, Massachusetts (a specialty food shop and the first place I worked after college), grew up in Turkey. He introduced me, and probably many other American cooks, to baharat, a Turkish spice blend that’s typically used as a seasoning for lamb.

Ihsan Gurdal, the owner of Formaggio Kitchen in Cambridge, Massachusetts (a specialty food shop and the first place I worked after college), grew up in Turkey. He introduced me, and probably many other American cooks, to baharat, a Turkish spice blend that’s typically used as a seasoning for lamb.

It’s what I use to season the leg of lamb in this recipe from my cookbook “Repertoire.”

The blend varies depending on its maker, but it usually contains many of the spices Americans think of as “holiday baking spices,” including cinnamon, nutmeg, allspice and cloves, as well as dried mint. You can find premade versions, but it’s simple to make your own.

If you have any harissa lying around, it’s a killer condiment for this lamb dish. A cucumber-yogurt salad (chopped or grated cukes, Greek-style yogurt, lemon juice, minced garlic, and salt and pepper) would also be a nice accompaniment. Note that the lamb needs to marinate overnight or for up to two days.

Grilled Leg of Lamb

Servings: 6 to 8

Ingredients:
1 tablespoon dried mint
1 tablespoon dried oregano
1 tablespoon freshly ground black pepper
1-1/2 teaspoons ground ginger
1-1/2 teaspoons ground cumin
1-1/2 teaspoons ground coriander
1-1/2 teaspoons ground cinnamon
1-1/2 teaspoons ground nutmeg
1/2 teaspoon ground allspice
1/2 teaspoon ground cloves
1 (3- to 4-pound) boneless leg of lamb
Kosher salt
3 tablespoons extra-virgin olive oil

Directions:

In a small bowl, mix together the dried mint, oregano, black pepper, ginger, cumin, coriander, cinnamon, nutmeg, allspice and cloves.

Put the lamb on a work surface fat-side down. Holding a sharp knife parallel to the cutting board, slice into the thicker sections of the meat, cutting in the direction that will allow you to open the section like a book, but not cutting all the way through. The goal is to butterfly the piece of lamb to a uniform thickness so it will grill more evenly. Trim off any visible sinew or large pockets of fat. Flip the lamb over, fat-side up, and trim off and discard any excess fat cap (do not trim off all the fat, as it will baste the meat as it cooks).

Season the lamb generously on both sides with salt, then season with the spice mixture, using all of it. Transfer to a rimmed plate or baking dish and drizzle on both sides with oil. Cover with plastic wrap and refrigerate overnight or for up to 2 days.

Remove the lamb from the refrigerator an hour or two before you plan to grill and let come to room temperature.

Prepare a gas or charcoal grill for direct, medium-high-heat grilling. When the grill is hot, lay the lamb on the grill grate, fat-side down. Grill, flipping occasionally, until the meat is browned and an instant-read thermometer inserted in the thickest part registers 135°F, about 30 minutes. Depending on the amount of fat on the lamb, you may want to brush or drizzle the meat with additional olive oil as it cooks; it should look glistening and juicy. If the lamb is browning too quickly or if dripping fat is causing flare-ups, move the meat to a cooler part of the grill until the coals die down (if using a gas grill, lower the heat on one section of the grill and move the lamb to the cooler zone).

To serve, slice the lamb into thin slices.
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Jessica Battilana is a staff editor at King Arthur Baking Company, and has contributed to several of their cookbooks, including “King Arthur Baking Company’s Big Book of Bread.” She previously wrote the “Repertoire” column for the San Francisco Chronicle and has co-authored cookbooks. Her work has appeared in many publications. She lives in Maine with her wife and children.

Excerpted from “Repertoire” by Jessica Battilana. Copyright (copyright) 2018 by Jessica Battilana. Used with permission of Voracious, an imprint of Little, Brown and Company. New York, NY. All rights reserved.

Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer recently announced the appointment of Nicole Huddleston to the Oakland County Probate Court.
Huddleston is the owner of Huddleston Law PLLC, a firm specializing in probate, family, and civil law. Huddleston previously served as managing director at the Detroit Justice Center and as a staff attorney at Detroit Justice Center, Lakeshore Legal Aid, and Legal Aid and Defender. 

Michigan Governor Gretchen Whitmer recently announced the appointment of Nicole Huddleston to the Oakland County Probate Court.

Huddleston is the owner of Huddleston Law PLLC, a firm specializing in probate, family, and civil law. Huddleston previously served as managing director at the Detroit Justice Center and as a staff attorney at Detroit Justice Center, Lakeshore Legal Aid, and Legal Aid and Defender. 

Huddleston is a member of the Tri-Community Coalition, Youth Connections, and the D. Augustus Straker Bar Association. She is also a member of the Executive Board of Matrix Theater and often serves as a volunteer attorney at expungement fairs. 

Huddleston earned a Bachelor of Arts in communications from Oakland University and a law degree from the University of Detroit Mercy School of Law.  

“I am sincerely honored and humbled by this appointment from Governor Whitmer, and I am grateful to her and her team for their thoughtful consideration throughout this process,” said Huddleston. “It is a privilege to serve the people of Oakland County and this great state. I remain committed to advancing a justice system grounded in fairness, integrity, and efficiency, and I will work hard every day to uphold the trust that has been placed in me. Thank you again, Governor Whitmer, for this tremendous honor.”

This appointment was made to fill a partial term following the resignation of Judge Kathleen Ryan. Huddleston’s term will commence on April 17, 2026, and expire at twelve o’clock noon on January 1, 2027.    

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Michigan Assistant Attorney General Stephanie B. White was recently recognized by Michigan Lawyers Weekly as one of its 2026 Up and Coming Lawyers.

White joined the Michigan Department of Attorney General in 2022 and currently serves the Children and Youth Services Division where she represents the Department of Health and Human Services. Prior to becoming an assistant attorney general, she served as a Lawyer Guardian Ad Litem with Juvenile Law Group where she represented children in child welfare and delinquency proceedings. In this role, she advocated for the best interests of minors navigating complex legal systems. White was also previously an attorney at A Call to Care Law Firm where she handled a broad range of matters, including child welfare, family law, and criminal law.

White earned her Bachelor of Science in Sociology with a concentration in criminal justice, double minor in child development and psychology from Central Michigan University in 2014. White received her law degree from Michigan State University College of Law in 2017.

White is active in civic and cultural organizations, including the Children’s Law Section of the State Bar of Michigan, the Department of Attorney General Social Committee, the Black Women’s Lawyers Association of Michigan, and the Women Lawyers Association of Michigan.

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Miller Johnson is pleased to welcome Jennifer Hetu to the Intellectual Property Practice Group. Hetu joins the firm’s growing Detroit office.

Hetu concentrates her practice on trademark law and brand protection. She advises clients on the availability, use, and registration of trademarks in the United States and foreign jurisdictions, and provides strategic guidance on global trademark filing and portfolio management. Hetu manages all aspects of U.S. and international trademark prosecution and represents clients before the U.S. Patent and Trademark Office and the Trademark Trial and Appeal Board. Her practice also includes trademark enforcement matters, including cease and desist actions, domain name disputes, settlement negotiations, and opposition proceedings in the United States and abroad.

Prior to joining Miller Johnson, Hetu served as a trademark examining attorney at the United States Patent and Trademark Office (USPTO) and was previously a partner in the intellectual property practice group of a large Michigan-based business law firm.

“I’m thrilled to join Miller Johnson and become part of such a respected and innovative firm,” said Hetu. “I look forward to working alongside this talented group of attorneys to continue building a market-leading practice and delivering outstanding results for our clients.”

Hetu earned a law degree from Cooley Law School and a B.A. from Western Michigan University.

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McDonald Hopkins is proud to announce that attorney Stephen Gross has been recognized as a member of the 2026 Lawdragon 500 Leading Bankruptcy & Restructuring Lawyers. 

Gross is a member in the firm’s Strategic Advisory and Business Restructuring Department and chair of the Automotive Practice Group. He addresses complex business issues, including creative strategic solutions to liquidity, pricing, and other issues requiring contract renegotiation, restructuring, acquisitions, or divestitures. 

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Varnum Partner Brendan Best has joined the board of Cass Community Social Services, a Detroit-based nonprofit that works across the city in areas of concentrated poverty, providing programs focused on food, health, housing, and employment. As a board member, Best supports the organization’s mission and strategic initiatives to serve individuals and families in need.

Best leads Varnum’s Bankruptcy, Restructuring and Creditors’ Rights Practice Team. He represents lenders, debtors, creditors, and other stakeholders in complex Chapter 11 restructurings, insolvency-related litigation, and out-of-court workouts. Best advises clients across a variety of industries on restructuring strategies and bankruptcy-related matters.

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Goodman Acker announced the opening of a new office in Livonia.  Located at 17370 North Laurel Park Drive, the new office provides a dedicated, professional setting for client meetings, depositions and case-related discussions, expanding Goodman Acker’s footprint in western Wayne County and increasing accessibility for Metro Detroit clients.

“This expansion reflects both our growth as a firm and our desire to be present in the communities we serve,” said Jordan Acker, partner at Goodman Acker. 

“Livonia is home to families, workers and businesses who deserve trusted personal injury representation. Having a physical presence here allows us to better support clients during some of the most difficult moments of their lives.”

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Honigman’s Jacob Drouillard has been named Advisor of the Year by The Association for Corporate Growth (ACG) Detroit as part of the 11th Annual M&A All Star Awards.

Drouillard is a partner in Honigman’s Corporate and Private Equity practices where he regularly represents private equity funds and privately held clients in complex business transactions, including leveraged buyouts, strategic mergers, acquisitions, divestitures, joint ventures, growth equity investments, and recapitalizations.

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Miller Canfield is pleased to announce that attorney Amy M. Johnston, co-leader of the firm’s nationally recognized Litigation and Dispute Resolution Group, has been inducted into the International Society of Barristers.

Johnston is a litigator with more than 25 years of courtroom and commercial arbitration experience. She represents clients nationwide in complex commercial disputes and class actions, with particular experience in the banking, energy, manufacturing and real estate industries. Her practice includes business, trade secret, antitrust, environmental, construction, real estate, contract and product liability matters, among many others.

An adviser to clients ranging from Fortune 500 companies to startups, Johnston is known for her counsel, trial skills and understanding of clients’ business objectives. In addition to her litigation practice, she advises businesses on risk avoidance and long-term solutions to legal and operational challenges.

Johnston has earned several honors throughout her career, including recognition in Chambers USA, Legal 500 US Detroit Elite for Commercial Disputes, Crain’s Detroit Business’ Notable Litigators and Trial Attorneys, Crain’s Detroit Business’ Notable Women in Law, and Michigan Lawyers Weekly’s Leader in the Law. She is also the former chair of Miller Canfield’s Managing Directors.

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Taft Detroit attorney Shirley Kaigler received the Wayne State University Black Law Students Association Legacy in Law Award at the organization’s annual reception on April 4 at the Charles H. Wright Museum of African American History.

Kaigler is an attorney in the Private Client practice group. She concentrates her practice in the areas of probate and trust administration, estate, tax, retirement and business succession planning, elder law, and health care proxy and special needs issues. 

Kaigler has experience principally in the area of gift, estate, and tax planning for all estate sizes. Her clients are business owners, professionals in solo and group practices, corporate executives, educators, retirees, and individuals with special needs.

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Howard & Howard Attorneys is pleased to announce that Michael Pappas has joined the firm, strengthening its capabilities at the intersection of health care, technology and regulatory compliance.

Pappas brings more than 20 years of combined in-house, law firm and consulting experience advising health care organizations, technology companies and other industry stakeholders. He focuses his practice on helping clients navigate complex regulatory environments, structure innovative transactions and implement compliant, forward-looking business strategies.

Prior to joining Howard & Howard, Pappas served as general counsel at a digital health company where he oversaw a broad portfolio of commercial, technology and procurement agreements. He has also held senior leadership roles at global consulting and professional services organizations, guiding digital health regulatory and analytics initiatives, as well as prior in-house and private practice roles.

Pappas has experience advising on health care regulation, data privacy, compliance protocols and health data analytics. His work has included leading multi-million-dollar joint ventures, supporting large-scale regulatory modernization efforts and advising on initiatives tied to value-based care and Medicaid transformation. He is also an active participant in and co-founding member of the American Telemedicine Association’s Virtual Foodcare Coalition.

“I’m excited to join Howard & Howard and collaborate with such a strong, nationally recognized team,” said Pappas. “The firm’s entrepreneurial approach and commitment to client service align closely with my practice and the needs of today’s health care and technology players.”

Pappas earned his law degree from Wayne State University Law School.

Michigan lawmakers had $9 billion in expected surplus funds at their disposal in January 2023. Many people today wonder what happened to that money. The short answer is that lawmakers spent it. The better question is whether the spending was worth it.

Michigan lawmakers had $9 billion in expected surplus funds at their disposal in January 2023. Many people today wonder what happened to that money. The short answer is that lawmakers spent it. The better question is whether the spending was worth it.

Lawmakers balance the state’s budget, so the budget is never more than what the state collects in revenue plus anything lawmakers may have saved in the past. There was so much surplus in 2023 because the Republican-majority Legislature could not agree on budget priorities with the Democratic governor in 2022.

Revenue flowing into the treasury during the pandemic was also substantial. The state’s various taxes collected $31.5 billion in fiscal year 2018-19, before COVID, and they collected $40.1 billion in fiscal year 2021-22. So it wasn’t just disagreement that led to more money available in 2024; tax levies collected more revenue for legislators to spend.

Schools were the biggest beneficiaries of Michigan’s surplus. The school aid budget increased from $13.0 billion before the pandemic to $18.9 billion in the current budget, a $5.8 billion gain. Would that the extra money have improved school performance.

The increase equals 40% of what the state collects from the income tax. Between state, local and federal sources of money, schools receive an average of $23,867 per student.

Medicaid received the next biggest increase in annual spending. The federal government decided not to enforce eligibility rules during the pandemic, and the number of recipients in Michigan increased from 2.5 million to 3.2 million. Enrollment has since returned to 2.5 million people.

How much was spent is a more complicated story. There is no direct single line item for Medicaid, nor even a simple accounting for how much of its spending comes from the state rather than the federal government. But there is a budget line for the Department of Health and Human Services, of which Medicaid is the largest and most expensive program. Total spending at the department increased from $26.5 billion in 2018-19 to $39.3 billion today. The federal government pays the bulk of Medicaid costs, and total state spending on the department increased from $7.5 billion to $11.4 billion, a $3.8 billion increase.

Roads were the next biggest priority, and the transportation budget increased from $3.5 billion in 2018-19 to $5.4 billion in the current budget. Part of the extra spending comes from a marijuana tax hike, but 80% of the money came without tax hikes. Road funding is at historic levels and should be sufficient to repair roads faster than they deteriorate.

Other areas of the budget increased, but by a smaller amount. The state spends $788 million more on higher education, mostly on new scholarship programs, $220 million more on the state police, and $215 million more on the Department of Environment, Great Lakes and Energy.

Lawmakers have also spent on various expensive but nonrecurring priorities. Lawmakers authorized $6.8 billion in selective business subsidies since 2020 and $4.4 billion on pork projects.

When Democrats took majorities in both chambers of the Legislature in 2023, corporate welfare was their top priority. They authorized $4.7 billion in selective subsidies over their two years of control. Authorizations included money for electric vehicle plants that got shifted into other things and site preparation for a semiconductor plant that was never built. Lawmakers may have learned from their mistakes and authorized no new business subsidies in 2025.

Legislators are now spending less on pork projects, or “legislatively directed spending,” as some call it. This type of spending ballooned to $1.8 billion in fiscal year 2023-24, but it has since come down to $360 million in the current fiscal year. It is not below pre-lockdown levels, and $360 million is roughly what it takes to operate a fifth of the state’s community colleges for a year.

Motorists may see long-term improvements in road quality after all the increases in spending on repairs. Other priorities don’t seem to have paid off. Lawmakers spend more on education but the quality of public education here falls behind that of other states. The state also spends much more on Medicaid to chase federal matching funds. Expensive business subsidies have not paid off. And there’s been an explosion of pork spending that is being reassessed.

It’s a paltry return in public services for spending so much more money.

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James M. Hohman is the director of fiscal policy at the Mackinac Center for Public Policy.