Samuel Damren
This is the third commentary on the emergent Trump brand of fascism. Previous commentaries focused on historical comparisons with fascists movements in Europe 1919-45. As discussed in those commentaries, fascism relies upon an idealized identity of a single “people” for its political fuel and cohesion, not on a specific ideology. When analyzed as a methodology and process, but not an ideology, several shared characteristics become evident.
First, fascist movements promote the promise of return to a romanticized past glory and greatness of their people, real or mythologized. Second, fascist movements harness their followers’ anger and rejection of present-day government in the belief that the fascist leader can return them to glory. Third, fascist movements depend on continual crisis and political violence to grow into functioning regimes. Fourth, the end form of fascist government is always dictatorship.
In “Fascism in Europe, 1919-45,” historian Philip Morgan notes that fascist movements were “born in crisis, exploited crisis and saw themselves as the only route out of crisis.”
The crisis giving birth to Italian fascism was a dysfunctional and corrupt parliament coupled with the real threat of Bolshevist influence. Mussolini rose to power quite suddenly in the 1920s crushing labor unions through violent action and intimidating and assassinating political opponents.
Hitler’s rise to power was more gradual. “But for” the world-wide Depression plunging Germany into economic chaos in the 1930s and adding to existing political and economic instability, the Nazi fascist party with Hitler as leader might never have risen to political power. As part of that process, Hitler put Germany on a war production economy forging bonds with significant financial interests and with unemployed workers.
After securing footholds on political power, each of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany continued to depend on the existence of a state of seemingly perpetual crisis and political violence to fully consolidate power. Many of those events were contrived, manufactured, and instigated by the leaders themselves.
Fascist dictatorships in Germany and Italy were premised on political pillars of restoring past glory to the Aryan and Italian people through a new form of government. Instead, those governments ended up displaying the “worst of the worst” of both peoples, and was responsible for genocide with millions of war dead, national humiliation, and enduring shame.
The MAGA movement resides on a political pillar of “Making America Great Again” no different than fascist movements across Europe from 1919-45. The precise period in our history referred to has never been clear. The second pillar of fascist movements in Germany and Italy – the rejection of prior forms of government in favor of establishing a new form – was never part of the Trump campaign in 2016.
That changed in Trump 2.0, not in the 2024 campaign but in his actions after re-entering office. Trump feigned knowledge of Project 2025 during the campaign. He is now implementing that blueprint which includes provisions under the “Unitary Executive Theory of the Presidency” that substantially alter the traditional checks and balances of power in American democracy.
One year into his second term, Trump’s increasing reliance on crisis, emergency powers, and political violence should mark a tipping point for MAGA voters. Stated more simply by MAGA podcasters: “This is not what we signed up for.”
The list of overstated “imminent crisis” relied upon as justification for unilateral aggressive acts by Trump is long and continues to grow.
Previous commentary in this series discussed the “shock” troop actions undertaken by ICE to conduct brutal sweeps based on racial profiling in Minneapolis. This form of political violence closely mirrors the tactics employed by Nazis against civilian populations to capture Jews in occupied Europe. Similar ICE operations are scheduled to commence elsewhere in the Spring and Summer.
Additionally disturbing, but just as Mussolini and Hitler did after securing power, Trump has unilaterally embarked on a separate form of political violence through ever-increasing foreign military interventions and attacks. The renewed attacks on Iran begun February 27 are the most recent instance.
Inside America, Trump is laying groundwork to claim that the very elective system that produced a touted “landslide” victory for him in 2024 must similarly come under emergency executive control in 2026.
Finally, as Trump races headlong to implement Project 2025, he ignores campaign promises to MAGA supporters, including the avoidance of further entanglements in foreign wars.
On economic issues, he refers MAGA voters to the stock market. As to full disclosure of the Epstein files, Trump places the interests of the “Epstein Class” above promises for transparency and legal obligations under bi-partisan legislation.
This is apparently how presidents act under Unitary Executive Theory: They act like fascist dictators.
First, fascist movements promote the promise of return to a romanticized past glory and greatness of their people, real or mythologized. Second, fascist movements harness their followers’ anger and rejection of present-day government in the belief that the fascist leader can return them to glory. Third, fascist movements depend on continual crisis and political violence to grow into functioning regimes. Fourth, the end form of fascist government is always dictatorship.
In “Fascism in Europe, 1919-45,” historian Philip Morgan notes that fascist movements were “born in crisis, exploited crisis and saw themselves as the only route out of crisis.”
The crisis giving birth to Italian fascism was a dysfunctional and corrupt parliament coupled with the real threat of Bolshevist influence. Mussolini rose to power quite suddenly in the 1920s crushing labor unions through violent action and intimidating and assassinating political opponents.
Hitler’s rise to power was more gradual. “But for” the world-wide Depression plunging Germany into economic chaos in the 1930s and adding to existing political and economic instability, the Nazi fascist party with Hitler as leader might never have risen to political power. As part of that process, Hitler put Germany on a war production economy forging bonds with significant financial interests and with unemployed workers.
After securing footholds on political power, each of the fascist regimes in Italy and Germany continued to depend on the existence of a state of seemingly perpetual crisis and political violence to fully consolidate power. Many of those events were contrived, manufactured, and instigated by the leaders themselves.
Fascist dictatorships in Germany and Italy were premised on political pillars of restoring past glory to the Aryan and Italian people through a new form of government. Instead, those governments ended up displaying the “worst of the worst” of both peoples, and was responsible for genocide with millions of war dead, national humiliation, and enduring shame.
The MAGA movement resides on a political pillar of “Making America Great Again” no different than fascist movements across Europe from 1919-45. The precise period in our history referred to has never been clear. The second pillar of fascist movements in Germany and Italy – the rejection of prior forms of government in favor of establishing a new form – was never part of the Trump campaign in 2016.
That changed in Trump 2.0, not in the 2024 campaign but in his actions after re-entering office. Trump feigned knowledge of Project 2025 during the campaign. He is now implementing that blueprint which includes provisions under the “Unitary Executive Theory of the Presidency” that substantially alter the traditional checks and balances of power in American democracy.
One year into his second term, Trump’s increasing reliance on crisis, emergency powers, and political violence should mark a tipping point for MAGA voters. Stated more simply by MAGA podcasters: “This is not what we signed up for.”
The list of overstated “imminent crisis” relied upon as justification for unilateral aggressive acts by Trump is long and continues to grow.
Previous commentary in this series discussed the “shock” troop actions undertaken by ICE to conduct brutal sweeps based on racial profiling in Minneapolis. This form of political violence closely mirrors the tactics employed by Nazis against civilian populations to capture Jews in occupied Europe. Similar ICE operations are scheduled to commence elsewhere in the Spring and Summer.
Additionally disturbing, but just as Mussolini and Hitler did after securing power, Trump has unilaterally embarked on a separate form of political violence through ever-increasing foreign military interventions and attacks. The renewed attacks on Iran begun February 27 are the most recent instance.
Inside America, Trump is laying groundwork to claim that the very elective system that produced a touted “landslide” victory for him in 2024 must similarly come under emergency executive control in 2026.
Finally, as Trump races headlong to implement Project 2025, he ignores campaign promises to MAGA supporters, including the avoidance of further entanglements in foreign wars.
On economic issues, he refers MAGA voters to the stock market. As to full disclosure of the Epstein files, Trump places the interests of the “Epstein Class” above promises for transparency and legal obligations under bi-partisan legislation.
This is apparently how presidents act under Unitary Executive Theory: They act like fascist dictators.
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